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Speech of General Lane in the Senate of the United States, July 

18, 1861. 

Mr. President : I represent a constituency whose rights were trampled 
under foot by the slave oligarchy of this country. Fraud, cruelty, bar- 
barism, were inflicted on them by that power. Although thus afflicted by 
the slave power of this country, in an attempt to force upon us, against 
our will, that institution, yet, after that struggle was over, we were willing 
to stand by the compromises of the Constitution, and permit slavery to 
remain undisturbed in the States where it existed. An attempt is now 
being made by that power to overthrow the Government — to destroy the 
Union. They have brought upon us the conflict. If, in that conflict, the 
institution of slavery perish, we will thank God that he has brought upon 
us this war. We wish not to be misunderstood. We would have stood by 
the compromises of the Constitution, and permitted slavery to exist in the 
States where it was planted ; would not, by word or act, have disturbed 
it ; but they have force 1 upon us this struggle, and I, for one, am willing 
that it shall be followed to its logical conclusion. 

I do believe, Mr. President, that the institution of slavery will not sur- 
vive, in any State of this Union, the march of the Union armies; and I 
thank God that it is so. It is an institution that has been the curse of 
the country ever since my recollection ; these Halls have been accursed 
with it; the people of the States where it exis':s have been accursed with 
it, and the people of the free States have been accursed with it. I respect 
the gentlemen who represent slave States upon this floor, but I say to them 
that my experience is, that the institution of slavery requires from its 
devotees devotion — that kind of devotion which makes fiends of men. 
There is no crime that the devotees of slavery will not commit in maintain- 
ing or extending it. It was the amusement of the slave oligarchy of Missouri 
to stufi" the ballot-boxes of Kansas. I respect the Union sentiment and 
the Union men of Missouri ; but it was the amusement of the fillibusters 
of Missouri and of Alabairfa and of Louisiana and of Georgia to stufi" the 
ballot-boxes of Kansas, in order to force their accursed institution upon 
us. It was their daily practice to murder unarmed, helpless prisoners, 
and to tear from reeking heads the scalps of their yet living victims. It was 

tbeir common practice to take free-S^ate men who were from slave States, 
tie tliem to iree-s, and deinandinjr of them to recant their free-S'ate prin- 
ciples, to cut off finger by fiiiti;er, until rbe hands wer*^ fingoiless, and then 
tie them to stakes and riddle them to death with buUe's. And iheo this 
General Government was used to force slavery upon that people. Tiie 
Constitution of the United States was trampled uuder foot ; the Army of 
the United States wa*; used by these men to force that institution upon our 
people. Not, one word was heard from that side of this Chamber, or fr im 
that side of the lower House, in complaint. The Constitution maybe 
trampled under foot to advance 'slavery, to force it upon a gilla'it people ; 
but when the President of the United Staes exercises exr,raoi-dinary 
authority, within the Constitution, in my opinion, he is arraigned here by 
distinguished gentlemen as having outraged that instrumint and trampled 
it under foot ! 

Mr. President, I said that I disavow any intent upon the part of the 
Government or its Army to war against th'^ insrituriun of slavery. I said 
that the effect of marching an army on the soil of any slave Sc:ite will be' 
to instill into the slaves a determined purpose to free rhem-;elvr^s ; and, in 
my opinion, they will crush out evri^yc^»ing that stands in thtjw-yof 
acquiring that freedom. I said to the S mitor from Virginia that, in 
my opinion, there would be a colored army marching our, of the slave 
States while the army of freedom was marching in. When I §ay that, 
I mean, of course, those slave States where ihey hold slaves in larg; num- 
bers. I do believe, Mr. President, that, wh-^never the army of freedom, 
the Army of the Union, is marched into Arkansas, into L-misana, into 
either of the Carolinas, Alabama, or Georgia, it will be the tocsin, if yoa 
please, for an insurrection of the slaves, and thit they will ovei throw 
everything that stands in their way. So far as I am concerned, I do not 
propose to make myself a slave-ca'^cher for tr.iit >rs, and re urn t'lem to 
their masters; but I would do this — and it is known to 8enat)rsthat 
I have expressed that opinion — I w.mld, at this session, digest a plan to 
colonize the slaves thus liberated by their own act at some pjint outside 
of the Union convenient thereto. 

^Speech of General H. Lane, at Sprinrjjield, MUsoiiri, in ref^ponse 
to a serenarfe from the Ticenfi/- Fourth Indiana Rr(jiment, under com- 
mand of Lieut. Col. Garvin, Thursday A^ov. 8, I06I. 

Gentlemen and Fellow-Soldiers : The reception of this compli- 
ment was as far from my expectations as from my^ieserts. I am aware these 
demonstrations are not intended so much for me as for the Kansas brigade ; 
yet I should bi the first to appreciate and acknowledge any honors which 
may come from the noble State of Indiana. Can I lorget Indiana ? 
Never ! [ Cheers.] <' If I forget thee, let my right hand forget her 
cunning.'^ It was the place of my birch, and is the place of my mother's 
grave, Indiana h*s given me legislative, exeeutive, military, and Con- 
gressional honors. She has nursed me as a fond mother brings up her 
child; and let my heart grow cold, and ray tongue cleave to the roof of 
my mouth, when L cease to be gratefal, or fail to speak well of ray bene- 
factors. [Loud etieers ] But the home of my adoption, and toils, and 


strife, is Kansas. She was a prairie waste when first I set foot on her 
soil, but, through clc-sprrate odds, she h-is fought her waj up in to the S'S- 
teihood of States, and ah'cady her little army has become famous throughout 
the nadon ibr itw bravery aud patriotism. For Kansas have I wrestled ns 
wrestles the mother when she brings forth lier into the woild. 
[Thundering cheers.] Indiana, as a part of 'he past, is enshriLod in my 
heart. Kansas, as my home, and as the living present, absorbs my thoughts 
and sways my dcstiiiy. Once I obeyed the voice of Indiana, and honored 
her; now, I go at the bidding of Kansas, and love her. [ Loud cheering.] 
But, gentleman, I am proud and happy to see the two sisters of our glori- 
ous Union stdking hands with each other on the soil of rebellious Mis- 
souri, determined that our united blpwis shall crush out this nio^t caus^eless 
and wicked rebellion, and preserve the national heritage left us by our 

Gentlemen, I shall not conceal the fact, that in one respect I differ 
from some of my compeers in command, as to the mode of warfare which 
IS best calculated to briog this wretched contest to a speedy, durable, and 
Honorable close. The p< lut of diiference refers, of course, to slavery — tbe 
cause of all differences — the Pandora's box from which has issued all our 
nafional troubles. My creed is, let slavery take care of ili^elf. If it c:!n 
survive the sh-ck of war, let ic live, but if between an upper and nether 
millstone it be ground t » p »wder, and the winds drive it away, it is not 
for me to gather up tbe dusi again. I do not propose to make war upon 
slavery, buc upon rebels, and in the mean time to let slaves and slavery 
tike care uf them-elves. An oligarchy more cruel and proscriptive than 
ever scourged and cursed a nation, ancient or modern, has brought on this 
war for shtvery 3 and if we are required to protect, defend, or in any way 
help slavery, then we are required to co-operate wiih the enemy, to help 
him, to defend him, and to work for the same end. Can we place our- 
selves thus in alliance with our deadly and barbarous foes, and at the ^ame 
time conquer them, subdue them, crush them? When lesser contradic- 
tions are reconciled, we will taink of harmonizing this. 

War, at best, is a terrible calamity to a nation. In all the country 
through which we have passed, the mails are stopped, schools are suspei'ded., 
churches are turned into hospitals for the sick and wounded, aud general 
demoralization prevails. Protract the war one year, and desolation, moral 
and material, alone would mark the track of armies. Justice, humanity, 
and mercy require that the conflict should terminate as, soon as possible, 
and wiih the least piacticable shedding of blood. 

Astounding as it may appear to you, gentleoaen from Indiana, yet it is 
a fact we have repeatedly demonstrated, that a heavier blow is dealt out 
to the realui of Secetsia in the abduction or freedom of a slave than the 
killing of a soldier in arms. Yes, and I may put the truth in a stronger 
light still. Abduct from the same family a slave, and kill in arms a son, 
and the loss of the slave will be regarded as the greater misfortune — the 
cahmiity for which there is no healing balm. I could bring up more than 
a thousand witnesses whose observation and experience qualify them to 
speak of the truthful candor of my remarks, if, then, by allowing the 
slave to h\\ into the wake of the army, and find the priceless boon of 
freedom, we avoid bloodshed, save property from des! ruction, and strike 
death dealing blows upon the head and front of this r-ibellion, does not 
every consideration that is good and just require that this policy be adopted ? 

This war is for slavery — let us make it the mighty engine for slavery's 
d'^struction, and the rebels will soon cry enough. They will see that, 
like Saturn in the fable, they are eating up their own children, and 
will consent to cut short the repast. Every guarantee that is given to 
slavery by the Government strengthens the rebels in their cnurse. 

The Kansas brigade has met the enemy in battle, and routed him in 
every conflict. We have destroyed Osceola, a sort of half town and half 
military post; but all these things combined have not brought the rebels 
to their knees as has the escaping of a few hundred slaves, by following 
the back track of the army. [ Cheers.] Gentlemen, my logic teaches 
that we cannot defend and make war upon the same foe at the same time ; 
and, if it is the purpose of the Government to crush the rebel* and prevent 
their slaves from stampeding, two armies should be sent into the field. An 
advance force might be called the treason-crushing army, and should be 
armed with offensive weapons. The other should be called the slavery 
restoring army, and should move about ten miles in the rear. It should 
be clad in a defensive armor of triple steel, for such is the raeanneps of» 
spirit which is bred in the hearts of men by slave-breeding, slave trading^ 
and slave-holding, that the masters would creep into every place of ambush, 
and fire upon those who were gathering up and returning their fugitive 
human property. It would be illegitimate for the slavery-restoring army 
to return the fire, as they might harm some of the pets and darlings for 
whom they are so generously acting. 

Therefore, give them the defensive arms, but no offensive weapons. 
Such an arrangement, novel as it might seem, must be had if slavery is to 
be preserved in the rear of an army which moves with a force sufficient 
to crush this huge rebellion. In my opinion, the second army should be 
as numerous as the first. Preserving slavery will cost the Government 
ten times as much as crushing the rebellion. [Voices — '' That's so.''] 

The policy inaugurated by the Kansas brigade, which I have the honor 
to command, was not adopted in a moment, but is the result of much ex- 
perience. In a speech recently made in the city of Leavenworth, my 
feelings of indignation became wrought up to such a pitch that I was be- 
trayed into the use of language which was justly condemned by the reli- 
gious sentiment of the country, and which in cooler moments meets my 
earnest disapproval. But whether excited or calm, whether my language 
be rough or smooth, principle and duty require that our policy be rigidly 
adhered to until condemned by the Government ; and if it should be con- 
demned, if the Government demand of the br-gade obeisance to the 
behests of slavery, I shall consider the question of withdrawing from the 

Since the rebels have failed to nationalize slavery, their battle cry is 
" Down with the Union." Let slavery lift up its crest in the air, and here 
I solemnly vow, that if Jim Lane is compelled to add a note to such an 
infernal chorus, he breaks his sword and quits the field. [Thundering 
applause.] Let us be bold — inscribe " freedom to all" upon our banners, 
and appear just what we are — the opponents of slavery. It is certain as if 
written in the book of fate, that this point must be reached before the war 
is over. Take this stand, and enthusiasm will be inspired in the ranks. 
In steadiness of purpose .-md courage each soldier will be a Spartan hero. 
The spirit of the (^-usnder will be united with the iron will of I he Roman, 
and an army of such soldiers is invincible. [Cheers.] These things to you. 

Indianians, may appear strange; but when your military education h 
received that peculiar cast, which experience is sure to give it, and whic 
now pertains to the Kausas soldier, then will we march shoulder to 
shoulder, and victoriously too, against the enslavers and brutulizers of 
men, and against the traitors to the best Government on earth. 

Soldiers, we have a commander, on whose courage, skill, and kindness 
of heart we may always confide. General Hunter has a Kansas educa- 
tion ; he has suffered with us because of slavery, and he will, I kuow, 
endorse the policy I have advocated to-night. 

It should be the business of Congress, at its coming session, to adopt a 
law directing the President of the United States, by proclamation, to order 
the rebel States, within thirty "^ «ixty days, to lay do^- n their arms and 
return to their allegiance, c ,, in default thereof, deoiare every slave free 
throughout their domains. So far as I am concerned, I hope the Almighty 
will so direct the hearts of the rebels that, like Pharoah, they will persist 
in their crime, and then we will invade them, and strike the shackles from 
every limb. 

Provision, too, should be made for settling the African in Ilayti, Cen- 
tral, or South America, and let the race form a nation by itself. Liberia 
has served a glorious purpose in teaching the world that these oppressed 
and wretched people are capable of supporting themselves, and of self- 
government. 1 look upon the Republic of Liberia as the bud — yes, the 
full-blown hope — of the whole of Africa, and wish it every encouragement 
and success. But it is too many thousand miles for us to transport fou?- 
millions of slaves This age has not the time and patience requisite to 
such a task. 

But our own continent has room sufficient, with soil, climate, and pro- 
ductions, suitable for the accommodation of this people, who, in the mys- 
teries of Providence, have been thrown among us. Transportation to the 
places named may be made a practicable reality. The good of both race' 
require their separation. Ages of oppression, ignorance, and wrong ha 
made the African a being inferior in intellect and social attainments 
the Caucasian ; and, while together, we shall always have low, cringing 
servility on the one hand, and lordly domination on the other. It is bet- 
ter for both parties that each enjoy the honors and responsibilities of a 
nationality of his own. In such an event, our common humanity would 
make a vast stride towards perfection. 

As such a proclamation might have the effect to liberate the slaves of 
many loyal citizens, I would cheerfully give my consent to have them paid 
out of the National Treasury for any loss they might sustain. Let us dare 
to do right, trusting to the principle, that right makes might; and the 
great republic, once the wonder of the world, will emerge from these 
troubles purer, wealthier, and stronger than ever. 

These are among the reasons why freedom to all should be the watch- 
word of the Kansas Brigade, and would to God I could publish it through- 
out the army, and to the whole nation. Let the wind wafr it over the 
prairies of the West. Let the thunder of our cannon speak it in the ears 
of traitor tyrants Let the mountains of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and 
New England echo it to all their people ; let the sound swell from earth 
to heaven, and the great God of angels and men, as its patron and f ien'l, 
will give it success. 

Again I thank you, friends of Indiana, and of the Kansas Brigade, for 
the compliments of this occasion. I bid you all a hearty good night. 

JExtracts from Speech of G-eneral Lane, at Tremont Temple, Bos- 
ton, November 31, 1861. 

I feel embarrassed in addressing gentlemen in the habit of hearing 
eloque-.t and classic speeches. When I set out in life, my mother said 
there was n'>thiiig to prevent ray success but mv unconq'ierable m')de>ty. 
Bat £ desire to return t>> the people of Boston ihe thanks of tt.e people of 
Kansas for past generosity, which made that State free. (Applause.) 
The children of Kau.-as are taught gratitu'de to those who stood by iheua 
in 1855 and 1856. 

iMy memory runneth not to the time when slavery did not threaten 
(he Union. The threats of the South, the stuffing of ball'>t-box' s, the 
r.iisinjj of blick flags in Kan-as bearing the word " Murder! '' and the 
eflbrts of the late Administration to destroy the government, followed by 
the attack on Sum'er, and the assassination of youl* gallant sons in the 
sireer.s of Baltinjore, must destroy all respect for it. 

We want a speedy crushing out of rebt^lli'.n, (applause,) and a perma- 
nent peace. He is a coward who wants a peace patched up with the 
kuowlcdge that our children will have this battle to fight over again. 
(Loud and repeated applause.) x\t last, we have the army and navy that 
can crush out the rebeltion, but it cannot be done without removing the 
disease. All know that slavery is the disease, and that the war is only 
waged for slavejy. Where is the man who would attempt a purification 
without curing the disease ? . He would be called a quack. The time has 
gone by for any one to aitempt to show that the war is not waged for 
slavery. Ask the soldiers of General Price what they are fijihting for? 
they will an-wer "slavery.^' Ask the soldiers of General Halleck, and 
they will make the same answer. 

"Slaveiy" is written on their banners, and what is ours, — is it not 
substantially the same, when we war for the old Union? The time has 
gone by to attempt to convince men that the war is waged for nothing 
but slavery. AVe all know it. When it is attempted to arouse your sym- 
pathies for the slaves of the Union men, remember that there are no 
Union men in secession comniuuities. They are driven out, and their 
slaves are used as are those of secession owners. When they say that 
loyal men can control their slaves in secession neighborhoods, they say 
that which is not true. I have given to Union men receipts for the loss of 
slaves, caused by the march of the Kansas brigade. These very slaves 
had been used for months by the traitors of Missouri by force. These 
certificates came back to me, directing me to give up those slaves to the 
bearers. An order of the goveinment to give up loyal citizens for the 
benefit of traitors ! Keturn rhem to slavery ! Me ! The people of Kan- 
sas return them to slavery! No, sir! (Great cheering, and cries of 
" good !" " good !") He sought his commander, and told him his order 
was illegitimate, and that he would not obey it. (Cheers.) 

How many soldiers' lives are you willing to ^nve to maintain slavery ? 
(" N(me.") A.s for myself, I will not shed a single drop of blood to save 
the :iccurscd system. 

1 have half a mind to relate an anecdote to show how the slaveholders 

cling to their property. (Voices — <^ Do it ; do it.") Well, I will. We 
were mirchino^ to Spring'iield — I was ia the rear of the coluuia — when I 
was infoinied by one of my men that a worn in in great disiress wanted to 
see me. I told him to bring her to nie, and he did She was a big. 
brawny woman — far,, and over forty, — and was crying. I asked her whar 
the matter was. She said, " My two ssons have joined the Confederate 
army, and now your soMiers have taken my iwo niggers." Said I, " My 
g)odwom;in, that is not the worst thing tha' could happen to you. I am 
on the track of your sons, and I shall probably catch them in a day or 
two, and hang them." (Laughter.) She threw her arms about my neck, 
and Slid, ''General Lane, you may do what you want with my sous, if 
you'll only return the niggers." (Great laughter.) I dir-engaged myself 
from her embrace, but didn't promise to return her niggers. 

sjc ;;< ^ ^t >;; :^ ^ ^i ^ ^ :^. 

The only way we can bring this contest to a successful issue is, by 
striking dire'tly and with all our power at the foundation. I would op- 
pose bowie-knife to bowie-knife, Indian to Indian nigger to nigger, and 
fre d<Mn to slavey. (Cheers.) If you do not like plan, furnish a 
substitute, equally powerful, f )r closing the war. Our present polic} will 
cause the war to drag along for years. You cannot wth the same army 
crush out; treason and preserve slavery. There must be two armies to do 
that, and it will cost more to preserve slavery than to crush out treason. 
Write "" Fre^^dom," then, on all your banners, and the spirit of the old 
Crusaders will animate your armies, firmness and steadiness will be im- 
parted to your purp 'se, victory will be gained, and a permanent peace se- 

The meeting broke up with cheers for ^' General Lane and the Kansas 

Speech of Gen. Lane, in Washington, on the evening of Dec. '2d, 
1861, on the occasion of a serenade in his honor. 

[The General was introduced by Hon. Owen Lovejoy, who referred 
to him in the following language :] 

I was out in Missouri in this work, and there I saw Gen. Jim Lane. 
I saw him on the march, in the camp, and on the field, as I saw others. 
and I do not think that in all ray experience there, I saw any braver 
men, or any better drilled or disciplined soldiers, than that same noble 
Kansas brigade commanded by this same " Jim Lane," [Cheers.] 
He is a brave soldier and an efficient general, yet that is not the reason 
for this hearty welcome to-night. Now, tell me why are you all 
gathered here to honor him? ["Because he's a trump!"] Ah, I 
know why. You extend to Gen. James H. Lane this spontaneous ova- 
tion, because, wherever he marched on the soil of rebellious Missouri, 
the pathway of his army was radiant widi freedom. [" That'> it," and 
vociferous cheers ] Because the beautiful flag of stars that waved 
above the Kansas brigade never floated over a single slave! [C^ntiD- 
ued cheers.] 

God grant that the time may soon come, when, m the progress of 


this unholy rebellion, our flag, whose fabric Freedom wrought and fash- 
ioned i ) her early days, again becomes an emblem of the great thought 
of the fathers, may floit no longer over a single bondman. 

[Enthusiastic cheering, at the close of which the speaker introduced 
GEN. LANE. He came forward amid tumultuous applause and said :] 
Fellow Citizens : For this demonstration, accept my thanks. I 
think I understand it. It is not for the man that you bring honors, 
but because you believe that he earnestly desires to close this war per- 
manently and speedily. ["That's it," and cheers.] 

That which, to me. is most astonishing, and which, for the first time, 
I have fully realized, is that Northern reverence for Southern slavery 
created, in the Northern mind, on the same principle that constant 
dropping wears the marble. The South, by unceasing appliances and 
for sinister purposes, has been able to create a strong reverence for the 
institution of human bondage. It was once in my own mind. I was 
born on the borders of the slave States. My mother was not very 
well, and I was not of much account. I was put out to an old slave 
woman to be nursed. I was educated and reared as a member of the 
old Democratic party. I was taught to reverence slavery beyond the 
Bible or any of the ordinances of God. It was a crime to discuss the 
cjuesdon. We could discuss God's laws, but so much above them was 
this patriarchal custom that we were forbidden to question it. 

This Northern reverence compelled two great political parties to en- 
graft on their platforms that the righteousness of slavery, being above 
even the government of God, should be no more discussed, " either in 
or out of Congress." 

Now, I will be frank enough to admit to you that I have lost some 
of my old reverence for slavery. [Laughter.] I saw it stuff the bal- 
lot-boxes of my own State; I saw it raise the black flag, and inscribe 
on it " no quarter;" I saw the most exalted ofiicers of the Goveroment, 
debauched by it, prostitute the Government itself to its own destruc- 
tion ! Right here in Washington, even, the shameful spectacle was 
presented of a Northern President being compelled by the traitors 
around him to betray the Government he was sworn to maintain, and 
conspire to ruiu the Republic. [Voices — "True, true."] At last I 
saw it fire upon a handful of starving soldiers, and trample the flag of 
my country under foot! For six months its hostile army has been men- 
acing this capital, and to-night it is encamped within six miles of here, 
and thence along two thousand mileu of border, seeking the destruction 
of the mildest and best Government on earth. I will not insult this 
intelligent audience by arguing that this is all the work of slavery — • 
slavery, an emanation from hell. [Cheers ] 

Slavery is attempting to send iis ministers to foreign powers, [Voice 
— "That's played out I"] plotting to destroy the only free government. 
[Voice — "Hurrah for Wilkes !"] Yes, I saw in a paper somewhere, 
"Hurrah for Wilkes! right or wrong, hurrah for Wilkes!" [Three 
hearty cheers were given for Wilkes.] Some cf the tender hearted and 
c.iuiiou^ are afraid the British lini will roar. Now, I feel like saying, 
with the o'd lady in Mis>ouri, that y-.u renniiioer. A Methodist min- 
ister wa> rraveling thmugh then — I hope ni'ire will go there. [Laugh- 
ter.] He st -pped at a house to get supper, and as the c-ld lauy was 
just about to pour out his coffee, he interrupted her by remarking that 

lie "usually invoked the divine blessing before partaking of any food/' 
<' Well," said the old lady, 'just pitch in /" [Laughter and applause.] 

Thank God, we have an army now. [Cheers.] Thank God, too, 
we have at last a navy. [Three cheers.] With this army and this 
navy now, if we will but adopt the policy which common sense dictates, 
we can crash this insane rebellion, and whip Great Britain to boot. 
[Cheers of approval.] 

We have been playing at this war long enough, in my opinion. I 
want to ask each man in this assembly, how much reverence have you 
got for the institution of slavery? [Voice— " Nary rev.'^] How 
many more loyal soldiers are you willing to offer as victims to that 
reverence ? How many more of our brave leaders shall be sacrificed ? 
How many more widows and orphans shall slavery make, with your 
permission ? [Voices — '^ Not another !"] 

I tell you that 1 have so far lost my reverence for that which, as a 
Democrat, I once worshipped, that I am not willing that one single 
widow or orphan shall be added to the mourners; I am not willing 
that another drop of loyal American blood shall be shed for its preser- 
vation I [Sensation and applause.] 

And another question, that seems of even more pertinence and im- 
portance to some, How much more money are you williog to pour out 
that slavery may live? For that is distinctly the question now. 

I won quite a reputation when I went to school, as a fighting boy. 
Every Saturday night we *• fought out.'' I was within one of the head, 
but the champion, Joe Darrah, was a great hulk of a fellow, weighing 
twice as much as I did, and as strong as an ox, and I couldn't whip him 
at fair play. Ours was the rough and tumble style. I knew I could 
whip him if I waited to grow, but my reputation demanded that 1 should 
do it then. So I watched for a boil to come, or something to happen that 
would give me an advantage. One day I heard that Joe had been in 
swimming, and had cut his leg below the knee. So I went to him and 
got him to show me the exact spot. I kept quiet, and, when Saturday 
came, I was ready to fight him. Joe struck out at me ; I dodged his 
heavy blows, and went in and kicked him on the shin. [Great laugbter.] 
He bellowed like a calf, and cried enough. [Laughter.] We are now at 
war with the South, and I am in to whip. [Voice — " Hit him on the 
bruise!'' immoderate laughter long continued.] You have got some 
sharp fellows in this crowd — that's just what I was going to say — perhaps 
you had better finish the speech. [Laughter.] If there is a bruise, a 
weak spot, on this rebellion, don't we owe it to the commerce of the coun- 
try and the world, to the orphans that are being made, to the widows 
and the wounded that are multiplying, to the loyal brave who are laying 
down their lives, to the humanity around us, and to the God above us, to 
find that spot and strike it ? [Cheers.] And there is a sore spot — a 
bigger bruise than was ever on Joe Darrah's shin, and you needn't kick 
it Lalf as hard as I did his ! [Excessive laughter and cheers.] At any 
rat , let us not expend our time and money, and spill our blood in the 
thankless work of soothing and doctoring the bruise. Don't stop to 
baudage it up with— [Voice interrupting: " Cotton !" followed by great 
lii.jghter.] This is the smartest audience I ever saw outside of Kansas. 
[L. Lighter.] 

I was nursed by a slave, and was educated and graduated in the great 


Democratic party ; and now all I ask — all that the country asks — is that 
this Covernineiit may fight the traitors to crush out the rebellion, and let 
slavery take care of it<elt*. [(Cheers, and cries of "That's io."] If slaver v 
Stands in the way of this result, let it be promptly pur. out of the wiy. If 
it h:«s vitality enough to resist the shock of war, I shall not qu.irrcl with 
its destiny; if it be of too d^^licate a texture to survive this collisim of 
armies, I say, as the Quaker did, " I will not quarrel with Grjd." [Ap- 

\hn we must remember one thing : we cannot support our own army 
and the rebel army, too. Three months ago my army mm-hed into the 
State of Missouri, and we found this condition of things — and I ask 
every man, I care not what opinion he ra ly have on tiis ques'ion of 
slavery, to take these fac s home wi'h him and reflect upon them — we 
found the wives, girls, younger boys, and slaves, at home, and all the men 
and older boys away in the rebel army. 

As the lamented General Lym — the gallant, oh ! the chivalr'c Lyon ! 
— marched through the State, he, in carrying out the establ shed policy, 
pa'd that wife your money — buying of her, at exurbit#nt prices, oxen, 
sbe^p, and all kinds of produce needed for his brave army. That wife 
took that money, and purchased cloth with it, and she and her female 
fiiends made it into clothing, and, loading the slaves with it, sent it to 
the rebel army. They have had their slaves cultivating the farms and 
raising the subsistence that supplies that army thi foo 1 they eat. 
Now, don't you see that you were in fac^, by your policy, clothing and 
feeding both armies? [''Yes," and "That's so."] I did not get much 
advice or iusi ructions from headquarters here, but ujy men had some 
sense, and they thought I had a little. Well, what did we do ? 

Did we put United States gold into rebel pockets? [Voice — ''Not 
much."] Not if we could help it. We took the traitor's corn, [cheers,] 
and his beef cattle, [cheers,] and his horses. [Cheers. Voice — " And 
their nagurs." Laughter.] No, for in a week they came to us them- 
selves. [Applause ] For the first few days, the slaves avoided the Kan- 
sas brigade, because they had been told that we would whip and torture 
them, cut off their fingers and starve them. But finally, a few came to 
try the hazardous experiment. Then those within a mile cime; then 
those within two miles; then those withiu five miles; then all came 
[Cheers.] They tell us that the slaves do not want their liberty, and will 
not come into our army at Port lloyal. The rea-on is obvious. If this 
Government will send the Kansas brigade to Beauf)rt, I will guarantee 
that in a week the slaves shall rush to Beaufort, bringing information 
far and wide. [Cheers.] All the slaves want to know is, that freedom is 
for them, and freedom they will have. [Cheers.] 

Suppose I go to Beaufort, and issue such a proclamation as was pub- 
lished from St. Louis the other day ? [Voice — "Three cheers for John 
C. Fremont.;" which were heartily given by the whole crowd. 

The proclamation to whica I nfer is not General Fremont's. I wish to 
God it was. [Cheers.] I mean that other proclamation, expellin/>- the 
fugitives alreauy with our army, and saying to the others, "You shah not 
come within our lines" 

From the slaves in Missouri flocking to our standard, I received more 
correer. information of the movements of the enemy than from all ^ources 
bcMilv. ,(()heers.) Yet this new General, as soon as he arrives in the 


State, Dot content with kicking out the fugitives and repelling all slaves 
who want to come, must tell us that which is contrad cted by my whole 
march through Missouri, that the hunted slaves betray their liberators! 
Grateful to theh* liberators, r.nd faithful to us and to the Government 
that sent us, with 500 fugitives, of both sexes and all ages, marching wi'li 
us, (cheers,) there was not one willing to return to slavery, and so not one 
ever betrayed a secret that was important to those who had opened to 
them the new life of freedom. (Loud and long cheers ) I do not be- 
lieve either ihreats or bribes could have induced them io act as spies while 
wo were their guardians. 

We cannot figh^ this war vigorously without an issue. Where is the 
pot-house politician but knows that a live issue is necessary, even in a 
ward election? Well, now, where is our issue? The rebfls are fighting 
f<r slavery, and we are tiglitiog for its preservation. (Voice — "That's 

General flalleck say^, '' We will not let you come in our lines." "Why?"' 
a^ks the slave. "Because," the frank answer would be, "i/ou wif/ <^et 
ainif^ from 1/our masfers !" [Voices — " That's the point!"] ^Ve must 
make an issue — something that will be a watchword for our lips — a shibbo- 
bolefh for our banners. What could we not do, with "Freedom" for our 
battle cry? [Cheers.] There is something to go before tlie world on. 
That is what our fathers fough- for. Freedom, and the pres rvation of a 
frte Government ! Great God ! under that inspiring flag, I think America 
could whip all who might assail us. [Cheers.] 

JVoio, the battle cry is, "Go in, boys, for the maintenance of slavery 
and 'he Union !" " Onward, my brave fellows; down with this accursed 
treason, but stop if you run against a my<ioY I" [Derisive laughter.] 

War is a dreadful alternative, and an intestine war is the worst of all. 
I have two sons in this tavern, and I should expect them to bfand me a 
coward if I wanted to entail this war on the next generation. Is there 
a doctor here? [Voice — " Here !"] Well, now, would you attempt to 
cure a disease without removing the cause of it; without, attempting to 
strike at the influences that produced it, and might produce it again ? 
If you would, we should call you a quark. 1 want a speedy peace, and 
I want a permanent peace. Is there a man here who does not know that 
if this war is terminated with this old element of discord — slavery — still 
in existence as it was, it will break out again, and again, and again, till 
slavery is national or slavery blotted out? [Loud cheers.] Remove the 
cause; cut oat the very root of the cancer, and we have peace, a peace 
that is worth something — but, quack treatment will leave, instead, a 
chronic war. And let us carry on this war of loyalty agains , treason 
heartily, fully resolved to let all institutions perish that stand in the way 
of a prompt and successful prosecution of it, and every shackle will be 
stricken ofl^ the standard of rebellion will be stricken down, and we bhall 
con()uer a peace that will be enduring. [Cheers.] 

" But," somebody asks, " what will you do with the negroes when they 
are free?" I might reply, Let us close this war in the cheapest way, 
and " sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." But I propose to give 
you my views. They don't cost you anything, you know. Suppose we 
adopt the same policy towards the negroes, then, that cair fathers did 
towards ihe Indians ? Weneed not teach them how to plow, to sow, and 
to reap; for they know how. We need not teach them blacksmithing and 


the mechanical arts, for there are many of them mechanics ready-made^ 

"We need not instruct them in the ways of civil life; for, quick to imitate, 
they have learned them already, even under the burdens of bondago. We 
need not teach them the habits of the white man ; for they have the habits 
of the white man, even to chewing tobacco and worrying down a little rye 
whiskey. [Laughter.] Suppose, then, we free these slaves, pay them 
wages, and thus retain them where they are, until white labor can he sub- 
stituted without convulsion ; they, meantime, enjoying all the elevating 
and dignifying influences of free labor, and preparing for final colonization 
beyond our borders. 

Then, suppose we take another policy: obtain a country contiguous to 
this — a portion of South America, for instance [Voice — '^ South Caro- 
lina.^'] Well, now, that idea of South Carolina strikes me very favorably. 
[ Laughter.] I desire, first, to see the shackles stricken off in a legitimate 
manner, so that our stars and stripes may, in truth, wave over a country 
of freemen. 

Next, I desire to see the two races separated — this the home of the white 
man, and a home of freedom; that the home of the black man, and a home of 
freedom. [Applause.] I would that an ocean rolled b.tween the two 
races. Our prejudices against them are unconquerable. I, myself, cer- 
tainly entertain these prejudices, in common with others. No two races 
have or can live long together, unless they intermarry. I am opposed to 
this. Now, for the good of us both, let us give them the discipline that 
attends freedom and free labor, then let us kindly separate them from us, 
and all will be well. 

But, says another, '' I would go for this war being closed permanetly 
by using the slaves, but I am afraid it will diminish the price of labor." 
Now, in the first place, we need never fear for the safety of th«i white la- 
borers of America. They will hold their own, whatever happens, because 
they can always protect themselves and their interests through the Gov- 
ernment which they control. 

But, secondly, freeing the slaves would not lessen the wages of labor. 
Freeing them would compel the payment of wages to them — wouldn't it? 
Now they work for no'hing. Their labor now is brought into competition 
with you without remuneration. [Voices — "That's so," and cheers.] 
So, I affirm, that it would have the tendency, not only to dignify all labor, 
but to increase instead of diminish the wages of white labor. 

If there were four millions of white men working in the South to feed 
and clothe this rebellion, millions of money would be expended if it would 
suffice to withdraw them from the service of the rebels. I have shown to 
you that the four million sUves feed and clothe this rebellion. Remove 
them, withdraw them, and this rebellion will crumble to the centre, as a 
vessel will collapse when you create a vacuum by withdrawing the air. 

This subject I think I could discuss always— it opens and widens before 
us as we touch it. But I have spoken at length, and must close by pre- 
senting to you my thanks for this demonstration, and to wish — oh, how 
heartily do I wish — that when we meet again upon such an occasion, we 
can congratulate each other that the rebellion is crushed out permanently, 
and that we have indeed a Republic of freemen. 


Speech of G-eneral Lane^ delivered in the Senate of the United 

States, December 17, 1861, 

Mr. LANE said : 

Mr. President : I do not desire to conceal my motive in introducing 
this resolution. As a cit'zen and a Senator, I have the right of criticizing the 
acts of the Government; and I mean to exercise it with the full flush of 
a truthful patriotism — kindly but fearlessly, cordially but searchingly. 

I will waste no words. I do not wish uselessly to consume your time. 
But the hour is, when truth sh.iuld be spoken in these Halls, and that 
plainly. I declare, then, as a fact which all financiers will admit, and no 
statesman dispute, that every day's delay in the vigorous prosecution of 
this war is pregnant with peril to the Republic. 

Sir, this is a war of the people. When Sumter fell, they became a 
unit. Party prejudices were scattered, personal hates forgotten. Roused 
by their wrongs, they proff"ered their strength, and pledged all their re- 
sources to avenge an injuscice which threatened to destroy the freest 
Government on earth. Manassas followed ; a fearful reverse, and seem- 
ingly a fatal defeat. But even that did not dash the spirit nor shake the 
purpose of the people. The balk of the moment, the blood and treasure 
lost, only deepened their determination to crush out the conspiracy. Such 
unity, such ardor, such sacrifices, the world has rarely or never wit- 

Sir, let me not be misunderstood in this matter of delay. My confidence 
in the Administration will not permit me, for a moment, seriously to enter- 
tain the injurious suspicion that this army we have created, so admirable 
in spirit and discipline, so complete in all its appointments — this magnifi- 
cent organization, to which the country has contributed its choicest spirits, 
and on which it has lavished untold millions of treasure — is destined, 
without one decisive blow struck, to a living burial in the ioglorious ob- 
scurity of winter quarters ! But should this confidence prove to be mis- 
placed — should this fatal policy of inaction seize upon the energies of our 
rulers, I feel, I know, that the public announcement of the fact will be 
as the fire-bell at midnight. Dismay and confusion will follow ; and the 
evils of anarchy may interpose new and fearful obstacles to the restora- 
tion of that Government whose chief peril must always result from the 
logs of confidence on the part of the people. 

Fortunately, the people are as intelligent as they are patriotic. They 
do not require impossibilities, nor insist upon premature action. And 
thus we are bronght to the consideration of the questions of strength and 

Why is our army inactive ? Will it be answered that it is still deficient 
in discipline ? That reply would be as unjust as it is illogcial. Ours is an 
army of volunteers, who mustnot bejudgedby the rules applied to regulars. 
You cannot drill it into that mere machine which martinets consider the 
perfesjtion of efSciency. The citizen-soldier is an individual; no amount 
of discipline can destroy his individuality. Four months of industrious 
drill is ample time to prepare such troops for effective service. Prolonged 
inactivity will finally discourage his zeal. The prospect of action must be 
ever present as an incentive. Inaction is the bane of the volunteer. 


Thesj opiuious 1 express with coufideiice, for I have had a large per- 
sonal (xpi'ri('n;e in ih' m;in:ioein(^nt of volunteer soldiers. The traininor 
of twj distinct, rcginienfs duiiiiir the Mixicn war, with subseq-ienf labors 
in Kan>as, and ihe campaigns of the last spring and summer in Missouri, 
have given me a praciical kaowledge on this subject entitled to consid- 

The regiments that fought and won the battle of Buena Vista, were 
not as well provided as the army of the Potomac, and no better drille<l. 
Sir, T h:ive witnessed the drill of that army; and I am sati fied that it 
has reached the maximum of discipline attainable by volunteers, and that 
every day of inaction now tends to its demoralization. 

AYhile, also, as regards discipline, we are as fully prepared for action 
as w^e ever shall be, we have the advantage of supenoriiy, in that respect, 
to the enemy. Every unprejudiced observ^er during the 5lexican war, will 
testify that the regiments from the North, in the excdlenceof their drill, 
far exceeded those from the Spates now in rebellion. Our oppon'ints are 
formidable only when their individuality can bj shown while fighting un- 
der cover — as at Manassas, iSpringtield, and Ball's Bluff. Operating in 
mass, on the open field, we can always conquer; as at Diy Wood, win re 
four hundred Kansas tro >ps cheeked and drove back ten thousand r.bels. 
And of these the Co ifederates are ihem>eives fully aware. Re- 
ceutiy, at Spring lliver, eight hundred Kansas troops enco.nti-red ^ix 
thousand rebels covered by that stream and six miles of timber. This 
handl'ul of heroic men offered a fight on the open prtirie, which was de- 
clined by the enemy, either because they expected us to repent the folly 
of attacking th. m in their tiinber stronghold, or feared a defeat without 
its protection. It will require, on our parr, rapiJry of movement and 
boldness of strategy to force them into a batrle on the open field. 

So much for efficiency. That heroic veteran, the late Lieutenant Gen- 
eral of the army, now foiced by age and infirmity into a retirement made 
glorious by the memories of a long life of patriotism and triumph, an- 
nounced the fact that the ides of October would see his columns prepared 
to move. Hence, it is impossible U' t to believe that they are by this time 
complete in arms, equipment, means of transportation, and every other 
physical appbance of service. 

Why, then, do they tarry ? If Napoleon, with sixty thousand undis- 
ciplined recruits, scaling the frozen fasines^es of the Alps, and avoiding 
their hostile fortifications, Cfiuld, in five weeks, reach the plains of Lom- 
bardy, pierce the Austrian lines, and annihilate the army of Melas, a bun- 
dled and twenty thousand strong, on the field of Marengo, thereby eman-^ 
cipating the while of Iialy, shall it be said that we cannot surmount4;he 
hills of Virginia and Kentucky, in spite of their defences, and, penetra- 
ting to the heart of the rebellion, strike in detail their armies, inferior to 
our owm in numbers, arms, equipment, discipline, and all that constitutes 
the true soldier, and stretched along a line of over two thousand miles in 
extent — des'ro}ing the heterogeneous hosts as we go, or f-cattering them 
in consternanon, and restore to the rule of the Republic those fair regit^us 
now cursed by a usurpation more intolerable than that of the Austrian, 
and which hcdds in bonds of terror e\en those wretched men who are 
comnii'tod to its t-upport? ^Ir. I^resident, to doubt i ur abdity is dis- 

gri;C(ful ! 

Let it not be said that the snows of winter are upon us. If Washing- 


ton could march his barefooted soldiers over the frozen roads of New Jer- 
sey, lliMr foot>tt^ps marked with blood, aud, in the middle of wiri-er, cross 
the Delaware, tilled with floiting ice, can we not, at the same sea>on, mo'.e 
our well-clad legions towaids ihe mild val eys of the South, to re establish 
that freedom Vvhich tlieir .sufferings secured ? 

Will you wait till hpring-, when the roads, if ever, will become impassa- 
ble? or till our troops shall have been decimated by the diseases of sum- 
mer ? No. Clear this war of the doubts that surround iis purpose ; give 
to the volunteer a baitle cry ; cherish that enthusiasm which is indispens- 
able to success, and which nerved the conscripts of Napoleon to the 
achievement of victory without reference to the disparity of numbers. 
See that jour volunteers are not thrown upon artillery without prepara- 
tion ; they must, see the guns, count them, hear the whistle of their balls, 
and thus prepared, no strength of fortifications can resist them; they are 
the most effective troops on earth. He who doubts this, or underrates 
them in comparison wirh others, knows buti litile of their energy of pur- 
pose, and ttieir devotion to their country and their fliig. Where such au- 
Qfher victory ever gained upon the open field as that of liuena Vista'/ 
"iVenty thou and wcll-di cipliued troops, amply supplied with artilh ry, 
overthrown by foriy-six hundred ragged American volunteers. Tho-e 
T7ho wi nessed that cuff ct, well know how to appreciate ihe indomitable 
fighting qualiries of troops like ours. 

The occupation of the rebel Stales by our army is a military necessity. 
I laugh to scorn the policy of wooing back the tiaitors to their ailegian e 
by seizing and holding uuimporiant points in those States. Every invi- 
tation extended to thein in kindness is an encouragement to stronger re- 
sistance. The exhauctiiig pi)licy is a failure. So lung i.s they have f ur 
million of slaves to feed them, so long will this rebellion be sustained. 
My word for it, sir, long before they reach the point of exhausiiou the 
people of this countiy w^iil lose confidence in the r rulers. And it is un- 
reasonable to expect the loyal citizens of the rebvi States to manliest their 
desire to return to their allegiance, while their homes and families are in 
the power of their oppressors. Did the Italians welcome Napoleon till he 
had expelled their tyrants, and thereby proved his ability to protect 
them ? So with the people of the disloyal Stales : march your armies 
there ; engage and scatter the forces of the enemy ; whip somebody y 
evidence your ability to protect the loyal citizens, their homes, and fami- 
lies ; and then, and not till then, will they rally to }Our standard by 
thousands and tens of thousands. 

I have alluded, Mr. President, to the slave population of the rebel 
States. It is claimed by the friend.s of slavery that the institution is a 
source of military strength. The slaves are made not only to feed iiud 
clo;he their oppressors, but to build fortifications for their defence ; and 
even in some cases to bear arms in their service. The slaveholders are 
right — and they are wrong; the institution is an element of streug h, but 
only while it exists. Withdraw that element, and this rebellion tails of 
its own weight. The masters will not work, and they must eat. Now, 
they are fighting to retain their slaves, exposing their lives and the lives 
of their sons. Suppose we had their slaves; to what lengths would they 
not go in an opposite direction, in the hope to recover them ? They would 
bow down in dutitul submission, even to Abraham Lincoin himself. Iti 
my opinion, the obtaining possession of these slaves by the. Government 


would be more effective in crushing out rebellion, than the seizure, if it 
could be made, of every ounce of ammunition they possess. As the fear 
of losing their slaves is now the incentive to war, so would then the desire 
for iheir recovery be the inducement for peace. March your armies into 
the heart of their Confederacy; win one victory; oppose kindness to 
cruelty; and as the peasantry of France rallied to the standard of Na- 
poleon on his return from Elba, so will the slaves, with one impulse, flock 
to ours. The general who commands that army will be received with the 
same acclaim as was Bonaparte ; they will hail him as their liberator and 
friend, and by their very numbers will secure safety to his army. No 
trouble, then, in obtaining information of the enemy's operations. In- 
terested in our success — grateful as they will be faithful — every move- 
ment will instantly be reported endangering their champions and pro- 
tectors. Peace will be restored, and the ca^ise of the war removed; and 
t'jen, in these halls, in the interests of humanity and a united country, we 
can deliberate and do justice. 

Mr. President, in my opinion the policy of fortifications should be dis- 
carded. A Capital dependent on such protection is not worth preserving ; 
th« only sufficient bulwark for its defence is formed by the loyal breasts 
of our citizen soldiery. Think no more of barracks for winter quarters; 
our tr'^ops do not desire them. Cheat yourself no longer with the delu- 
sive idea ihat your camps are still schools ot instruction; henceforward 
your lessons must be taught in the field. Advance rapidly, and strike 
boldly. The country is favorable ; the climate invites ; the cause de- 
mands. Advance, and allis accomplished; the Government is saved, and 
freedom is triumphant, 


No, 271 Fenna. Avenue, VVasaington, D. C.